Andalusia was the last region in Spain to be wrested from Moorish control. It is presumably for this reason that a Hispanized version of the old Arabic term Al-Andalus, which originally applied to the whole of Islamic Spain, has survived as the regional name. The actual reconquest of Andalusia was carried through in several stages, with the western and northern cities (Córboba, Jaén, Seville and Cádiz) falling to the Christians in the thirteenth century, but the mountainous kingdom of Granada in the west holding out until 1492.
Despite the extended North African presence in the region, the modern Andalusian population is largely descended from Castilians who settled the area after it was reconquered and from the autochthonous Christian population (referred to as Mozarabs, < Arabic musta‘rab) that had inhabited the region from before the Moorish invasion of the eighth century. The Mozarabs originally spoke Mozarabic, a continuation of spoken Latin, but by the late Middle Ages this variety of Romance appears to have close to extinction, having been displaced by a combination of Arabic on the one hand and other forms of Ibero-Romance, including Castilian, on the other.
Neither Mozarabic nor Arabic appears to have exercised significant structural influence on Andalusian varieties of Spanish, although it seems reasonable to suppose that there was at least some lexical borrowing. It should be noted, however, that virtually all the Spanish words that are of Arabic origin – almohada ‘pillow’, albañil ‘mason/builder’, alcalde ‘mayor’ etc. – are general Spanish words and hence are not specific to the Andalusian dialect.
The distinctive character of Andalusian Spanish should thus be seen as resulting primarily from internal sound change rather than from language contact. The first documented evidence of divergence from Castilian Spanish is from the early sixteenth century, but in all probability the process was underway long before that time.
2.1 Seseo and ceceo
Probably the best-known feature of Andalusian Spanish one that it shares with Canary Island and Latin American Spanish is the merger of the coronal fricative phonemes /s/ and /θ/, which in Castilian Spanish correspond to the letters s and z (or c before i or e) respectively. In the speech of many Andalusian speakers, this merger is manifested as seseo, whereby the sibilant /s/ replaces the non-sibilant /θ/. In such dialects, su aceite his/her oil, for example, is pronounced [swaˈsejte]. Alternatively, ceceo may be observable, whereby /θ/ entirely replaces /s/, as in [θwaˈθejte].
The /θ/ of Andalusian ceceante dialects may not be completely identical with the equivalent sound in Castilian Spanish (corresponding to the letter z, or to c before e or i). However, it is recognizably a non-sibilant articulated at the dental place of articulation, meaning that the best match in terms of the International Phonetic Associations consonantal inventory is [θ] rather than [s], or any subcategory of the latter. Hualde (2005: 153) notates the sound using [θ] modified by the IPA’s dental diacritic, describing it as being ‘dentalized’ and ‘less sibilant’ than the (laminal) /s/ deployed in seseo.
A further reason for associating Andalusian /θ/ with its Castilian counterpart is that both sounds descend from the same phoneme, namely the Old Spanish voiceless dental affricate /ts/, found for example in the word cabeça head, which was pronounced [kaˈbetsa]. The /ts/ corresponding to the letter ç in this word – z in the modern orthography – has evolved to /θ/ in both Castilian Spanish and in those varieties of Andalusian Spanish that have ceceo: [kaˈβeθa] cabeza.Traditionally ceceo is associated with southern Andalusia, as is indicated in the map below, with seseo predominating in northern Andalusia and in a small island around the metropolis of Seville city. In broad terms, this probably holds true for the present day, but in coastal capitals like Cádiz and Málaga seseo is arguably the commoner of the two phenomena.
In the Andalusian Spanish of the late Middle Ages, these denti-alveolar sibilants merged with and displaced the (apical-)alveolar sibilants /s/ and /z/, which traditionally in Spanish were the sounds corresponding to orthographic ss and s respectively. Following this merger, not only were words like cabeça and dezir pronounced with denti-alveolar fricatives ([s̪] and [z̪]) in Andalusian Spanish, as they were in the Castilian dialect, but so too were words like passo step (modern spelling: paso) and casa house, which in Castilian Spanish continued to be pronounced with (apical-)alveolar fricatives. Thus modern Andalusian Spanish, unlike modern Castilian Spanish, exhibits no residue of the earlier distinction between the dental affricates (/ts/ and /dz/) and the apical-alveolar fricatives (/s/ and /z/). It is the absence of this distinction which underlies seseo and ceceo, although it is the latter term, or rather the verb cecear (often spelled çeçear), that was originally used to characterize the underlying phonemic merger. It should also be noted that, since approximately the end of the sixteenth century, neither Castilian Spanish nor Andalusian Spanish has exhibited any residue of the voiced member of the pairs /ts/–/dz/ and /s/–/z/, entailing that Andalusian seseo and ceceo involve phonemes which in principle are voiceless.
Before being applied to Andalusian Spanish, the verb çeçear/cecear was used generally to denote an unspecified speech disorder, probably either stammering or lisping, a sense that is nicely illustrated in the extract below from the thirteenth-century General Estoria.
The more recent, implicitly phonological sense of this verb, together with that of the related noun ceceo, is not unambiguously attested until the early seventeenth century, by which time it refers to the tendency to pronounce the letter s as if it was a c preceding i or e, a sound also written at the time as ç. Thus Covarrubias in his Tesoro of 1611 observes that ‘otros [Reynos] pronuncian la c por la s [. . .] lo que comúnmente llaman cecear’ (‘other [kingdoms] pronounce s as c, which is commonly called cecear’).
& quemos en somo dela lengua de guisa que dalli tomo por que siempre ceceo despues quando fablaua.
‘And he [Moses] burned the top of his tongue, and to this event he [Josephus] attributed the fact that he lisped/stammered afterwards whenever he spoke.’
(General Estoria I, fol. 137v)
El capitán Luys Marín fue de buen cuerpo e menbrudo y esforçado; era estevudo y la barba algo rrubia, y el rostro largo y alegre, eçeto que tenya unas señales como que abía tenido birgüelas; sería de hasta treynta años quando acá pasó, era natural de San Lúcar; çeçeava vn poco como sebillano; fue buen ginete y de buena conbersaçión; murió en Mechuacán.The observation that the captain çeçeava, together with the suggestion that this was normal in Seville (probably the province rather than the city), is certainly suggestive. Most probably, however, Bernal Díaz del Castillo, himself from Old Castile, was simply commenting disparagingly on Luis Marín’s pronunciation rather than making a statement about his phonemic inventory.
‘Captain Luis Marín was well built, powerful and brave; he was bow-legged with a rather light beard and a long, happy face, except that it bore some marks suggesting he had had the pox. He must have been about thirty years old when he came here and he was originally from Sanlúcar. He çeçeo-d a bit like someone from Seville. He was an accomplished horseman and good company. He died in Mechuacán.’
(Bernal Díaz del Castillo, Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España, 1568)
2.2 Consonantal weakening
Another dominant theme of Andalusian Spanish is consonantal weakening. In syllable-initial position, this is reflected in the realization of /x/ as [h] (as in [ˈpaha] paja straw), in a tendency towards eliminating intervocalic or pre-liquid voiced obstruents (as in [besˈtio] vestido dress and [ˈmaɾe] madre mother) and in so-called CH-lenition, the realization of /tʃ/ as [ʃ] (as in [ˈnoʃe] noche night).
In syllable-final position, the weakening theme is reflected primarily in phenomena relating to /s/ and the liquids.
Syllable-final /s/ may be realized as [h] (as in [ehˈpaɲa] España), it may be elided (as in [laˈola] las olas the waves), or there may be a process of assimilation vis-à-vis the following consonant. When the following consonant is a voiceless obstruent or a sonorant, the output of the process is usually a geminate, as in [eloˈβippo] el obispo the bishop or [ˈmimmo] mismo same. With voiced obstruents, on the other hand, the output is usually a single (voiceless) consonant: [laxaˈʝinah] las gallinas the hens, [laˈɸolah] las bolas the balls.
Among some speakers, elision of final /s/ may be accompanied by a lowering of the tongue position during the articulation of the preceding vowel. As a consequence, the morphological value expressed in standard Spanish by final /s/ comes to be marked by vowel quality. For example, the distinction between mano hand and manos hands comes to be reflected in a vowel quality opposition, viz. [ˈmano] ~ [ˈmanɔ]. In the same way, the distinction between tiene he/she has and tienes you have is indicated by the contrast between [e] and [ɛ]: [ˈtjene] ~ [ˈtjenɛ]. This process, which Spanish commentators usually refer to as a case of desdoblamiento fonológico (phonemic split), is characteristic of Eastern Andalusian varieties of Spanish.
As regards syllable-final liquids, the trueque confusion of [ɾ] and [l] is a notable feature of much unmonitored speech, with the tap [ɾ] often appearing where orthography calls for [l] and, less commonly, the lateral appearing in words which in the standard language have the tap: [baɾˈkon] balcón balcony, [aɾβaˈɲi] albañil builder, [ˈkwelpo] cuerpo body. In word-final position, liquids are frequently elided, as in the albañil example just given.
2.3 Retention of [h] < Latin f
Finally, the retention of [h] as a reflex of initial or post-prefix Latin /f/, as in [ahoˈɣaɾ] ahogar (< Lat. offocare strangle), is sometimes a feature of vernacular Andalusian Spanish. It is certainly one that regularly finds its way into representations of ‘deep’ Andalusian culture. For example the popular term for Flamenco music is cante jondo [ˈkante ˈhondo], which literally means ‘deep singing’. Spanish hondo ‘deep’ comes from Latin fundum, the initial f having no reflex in standard Spanish but surviving as [h], designated orthographically by the letter j, in the relevant speech varieties.
In eastern Andalusia especially in the provinces of Granada and Almería ustedes is usually limited to being a deferential pronoun, as in the Castilian standard.
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